Kamikaze

PAKISTAN NAVY SHIPS: TYPE 054A/P FRIGATE The Pakistan Navy (PN) has four Type 054A/P frigates on order from China. Pakistan’s Ministry of Defence Production (MoDP) announced two equal-sized orders, one in 2017 and another in 2018. According to the MoDP on 01 June 2018, Pakistan will receive all four Type 054A/Ps by 2021.[1] China will build all four ships, which is a departure from Pakistan’s approach of constructing at least a part of its ship orders locally. Relying on China Shipbuilding Trading Co. Ltd (CSTC) to manage the entire order was likely a measure to control or minimize costs, and accelerate the delivery timeline. However, because it will use various export-grade subsystems, the Type 054A/P will bear some differences from its Type 054A counterparts serving with the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Timeline of Acquisition Upon concluding its acquisition of four F-22P frigates (a derivative of the Type 053H3), the PN had sought another four frigates to supplant its older ships, and build-out its fleet. Interest in a more capable Chinese-built frigate was in place since at least 2011, when Karachi Shipyard & Engineering Works (KSEW) launched the fourth F-22P frigate for the PN. However, it was not clear if the PN would opt for a further developed version of the F-22P, or a new design, such as the Type 054A. The PN could have ordered these ships earlier, but severe funding shortages in the early 2010s forced it to shelve all major procurement plans. 2017-2018: Orders In his retirement speech, the outgoing Chief of Naval Staff (CNS), Admiral Muhammad Zakaullah, revealed that the PN ordered new frigates from China. However, the CNS did not reveal the make or model of those frigates. In December 2017, a PN spokesperson revealed that the country ordered the Type 054A frigate from China, and was considering an option for two additional ships.[2] The PN exercised that option in 2018. It is unclear when the PN began negotiating for the Type 054As. However, there is grounds to believe that talks caught momentum in 2015. In 2015, Pakistan’s MoDP ordered eight submarines from China, and an ex-PN official had told Financial Times (FT) that the contract was worth $4 billion to $5 billion US.[3] FT’s quoted price exceeded the cost estimates of the S20/S26 submarine. In fact, such a price would align with the Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) Type 214, which the PN originally sought in 2009-2010. It seems that the PN ordered a variant of the S26, and even with modifications, a $500 million-plus price-tag per ship is unrealistic. Pakistan is likely paying much less for its new Hangor-class submarines. Scale mock-up of the new Hangor-class submarine presented by Karachi Shipyards & Engineering Works (KSEW) at IDEAS 2018. Photo Source: Quwa However, a combined package of submarines, frigates, and other vessels could fit within the quoted $4-5 billion US price. Thailand ordered the S26T submarine for (on average) $340 million per ship, so a contract for eight submarines would cost around $2.7 billion US.[4] The Type 054A reportedly costs $348 million US per ship.[5] Thus, four ships would cost around $1.39 billion US. Together, the new frigates and submarines plus missiles, torpedoes and helicopters would result in a $4-5 billion US contract. Interestingly, there was a news report in June 2015 claiming that Pakistan was negotiating with China for six to eight submarines, four ‘Improved F-22P’ and 6 Type 022 fast attack crafts (FAC).[6] Pakistan ordered the submarines, and it actually termed the Type 054A/P as the “F-22P Batch II.” The PN did not order six Type 022 FACs, but it did reveal a requirement for four to six new FACs in 2016. 2018-2021: Scheduled Deliveries In 2018, the MoDP said the PN will receive all four ships by 2021.[7] Thus far, the PN and CSTC revealed that two ships are under construction: CSTC cut the steel for the first two ships in November 2019, while it laid the keel for the second ship in March 2020. The status of the two remaining ships is not yet known. The Benefit of Economies-of-Scale With the Type 054A/P and Hangor, the PN is evidently leveraging the economies-of-scale the Chinese built for their domestic needs to its advantage. The Chinese had offered new export-oriented designs for both frigates and submarines, but the PN opted for mature platforms instead. In fact, the Type 054A and Type-039A (which the S26 is based on) are two designs the Chinese shipbuilding industry is tuned to build cost-effectively and as quickly as possible thanks to dozens of orders it fulfilled for the PLAN. In a sense, the Type 054A/P and Hangor reflect the PN’s need to meet its near-term requirements, while (in contrast) the MILGEM/Jinnah-class frigate is aimed at addressing the future. Pakistan’s Type 054A/P Frigate The Type 054A Jiangkai II-class is the mainstay multi-mission frigate of the PLAN. The first Type 054As (529 and 530) were commissioned in January 2008.[8] Since then, China built 30 Type 054As for the PLAN. [9] The Type 054A is a derivative of the Type 054, one of China’s earlier low radar cross-section (RCS) designs. In addition to making a low-RCS design a mainstay in the PLAN fleet, the Type 054A also normalized area-wide anti-air warfare (AAW) coverage with a 32-cell vertical launch system (VLS) and HQ-16 surface-to-air missile (SAM). Otherwise, the Type 054A is armed with standard-fare anti-ship warfare (AShW) and anti-submarine warfare (ASW) capabilities: two quad-cell launchers for the YJ-83 anti-ship missile (AShM), two triple-cell launchers for the Yu-7 lightweight ASW torpedo, and one 76-mm main gun, among others. Specifications In terms of its length and displacement, the Type 054A/P will be the PN’s largest warship and, due to the equipment it will carry, may serve as a command ship for frigate/corvette-class flotillas. The Type 054A’s specifications are as follows: Length: 134.1 m Beam: 15.2 m Draft: 4.05 m Top speed: 27 knots Range: 8,000 nautical miles at 15 knots Crew: 180 to 190 Displacement: 4,053 (full load).[10] Weapon Systems Initial news reports indicated that the PN would pattern the subsystems and weapon systems of its Type 054A/P frigates along similar lines to the PLAN’s Type 054As. However, it appears that some modifications will come through, notably in terms of the anti-ship warfare (AShW) capabilities. Anti-Ship/Surface Warfare Unlike the PLAN, the PN is not opting for the dual quad-cell configuration (which would allow it to use the C-802 from the Type 054A/P). Rather, the illustration shown during the steel cutting ceremony of the first two ships in 2019 show a different AShW system. This system could be the two triple-cell suite of the PN’s in-house Harbah, an AShM that can double as a land-attack cruise missile (LACM). It can also be dual two-cell systems for a new supersonic-cruising ASCM. The PN has a ‘supersonic missile’ in the development pipeline, so either outcome is plausible. The Harba anti-ship cruise missile (ASCM) being fired from the Azmat-class fast attack craft (FAC) PNS Himmat. Photo source: Associated Press of Pakistan Anti-Air Warfare The Type 054A/P will be equipped with a 32-cell VLS. The PN will likely use the LY-80N, the export version of the HQ-16. However, it is not known if the LY-80N the PN is procuring is the existing 40 km version, or the new 70 km-range variant revealed in 2016. The LY-80-series utilize semi-active radar-homing (SARH) seekers, so they rely on a surface radar to track the target until the missile is in proximity to the target. The benefit of SARH is that the missile’s seeker only requires a receiver module, which helps lower costs. However, to function, the off-board guidance radar must be active and track/illuminate the target. If that radar is inoperable due to damage, or the need to reduce visibility to enemy electronic warfare (EW), the SAM will not work effectively. Model of the LY-80N and its VLS. Photo Source: East Pendulum The LY-80N is reportedly on offer as both a solution for new Chinese frigate models and a standalone suite for existing ships (and, presumably, as a off-the-shelf weapon for non-Chinese designs). Interestingly, the PN opted against acquiring the FL-3000N point-defence missile system (PDMS), which is China’s counterpart to the Rolling Airframe Missile (RAM). Instead, the PN is equipping the Type 054A/P with two close-in-weapon-system (CIWS) turrets, likely the Type 730. The Type 730 offers a range of 3,500 m against aircraft and 2,500 m against missiles. It can fire 4,000 rounds a minute.[11] Anti-Submarine Warfare The Type 054A/P’s ASW configuration will likely mirror the F-22P’s ASW suite. The F-22P is equipped with two triple-cell ET-52C launchers, which can deploy the Yu-7 lightweight torpedo (LWT). In addition, the F-22P is armed with two six-cell RDC-32 ASW rocket-launchers. Subsystems It is unclear what subsystems the PN will use onboard the Type 054A/P. First, using the Type 054A as the basis to infer the PN’s configuration may not be accurate. So, for example, the official illustration of the Type 054A/P shows a different main search radar compared to the Type 054A. Moreover, the PN is using export-grade equipment, so the exact specifications and capabilities may differ between both variants. Main Search Radar The illustration shown during the steel-cutting ceremony of the first two ships show that the Type 054A/P could use the SRC2410C phased-array radar. The specifications are not known, but the radar’s range and other capabilities could be comparable to the Thales SMART-S Mk2. The SRC2410C will support the Type 054A/P’s anti-air and anti-ship warfare capabilities, both onboard the frigate (i.e., LY-80 SAM and C-802/Harbah AShM) and off-board on other ships, such as the FAC(M). Over-the-Horizon Radar One of the Type 054A’s marquee features is its over-the-horizon-radar (OTHR). It is unclear if the PN would use an OTHR with its Type 054A/P, but an export-grade system – i.e., SLR-66 – is available. With an OTHR, the Type 054A can track targets that would otherwise operate in its main radar’s blind spot (resulting from the curvature of the Earth). The main benefit is additional situational awareness, which the Type 054A/P can share with other ships and aircraft through the PN’s network-enabled warfare environment. Other Subsystems Details about the Type 054A/P’s electronic support measures (ESM), combat management system (CMS), and other subsystems are not known at this time. This information will likely be available during the 2020 International Defence Exhibition and Seminar (IDEAS 2020). However, the forthcoming MILGEM could set a benchmark of the performance and capabilities the PN would look for in the Type 054A/P’s subsystems. [1] “Pakistan Signs Contract to Acquire Two Chinese Naval Warships”. Associated Press of Pakistan. 01 June 2018. URL: http://www.app.com.pk/pakistan-signs-contract-acquire-two-chinese-naval-warships/ (Last Accessed: 02 June 2018). [2] Usman Ansari. “Pakistan shops for warships to replace British frigates, modernize Navy.” Defense News. 27 December 2017. URL: https://www.defensenews.com/naval/2017/12/27/pakistan-shops-for-warships-to-replace-british-frigates-modernize-navy/ [3] Farhan Bokhari and Charles Clover. “Pakistan nears deal to buy 8 Chinese submarines.” Financial Times. 01 April 2015. URL: https://www.ft.com/content/a2c22012-d845-11e4-ba53-00144feab7de [4] Zhao Yusha. “Thailand buys 3 Chinese subs for $1 billion.” Global Times. 04 July 2016. URL: http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/992089.shtml [5] Gabe Collins. “How Much Do China’s Warships Actually Cost?” The Diplomat. 18 June 2015. URL: https://thediplomat.com/2015/06/how-much-do-chinas-warships-actually-cost/ [6] Usman Ansari. “Pakistan Seeks To Energize Naval Modernization.” DefenseNews. 17 June 2015. URL: https://www.defensenews.com/naval/2015/06/17/pakistan-seeks-to-energize-naval-modernization/ [7] “Pakistan Signs Contract To Acquire Two Chinese Naval Warships”. Associated Press of Pakistan. 01 June 2018. URL: http://www.app.com.pk/pakistan-signs-contract-acquire-two-chinese-naval-warships/ (Last Accessed: 02 June 2018). [8] Type 054A Jiangkai-II Class. SinoDefence. 08 September 2017. URL: https://sinodefence.com/type-054a-jiangkai-ii-class/#Specifications [9] Andrew Tate. “Type 052D destroyer and Type 054A frigate enter service with PLAN.” Jane’s Defence Weekly. 05 March 2019. URL: https://web.archive.org/web/20190305214026/https://www.janes.com/article/87014/type-052d-destroyer-and-type-054a-frigate-enter-service-with-plan [10] Type 054A Jiangkai-II Class. SinoDefence. 08 September 2017. URL: https://sinodefence.com/type-054a-jiangkai-ii-class/#Specifications [11] “China’s CSSC Unveiled the Type 730C Dual Gun and Missile CIWS.” Navy Recognition. 09 March 2017. URL: https://www.navyrecognition.com/index.php/news/naval-exhibitions/2017-archives/navdex-2017-show-daily-news/4970-china-s-cssc-unveiled-the-type-730c-dual-gun-and-missile-ciws.html

Banking sector may face mergers and acquisitions after the pandemic The government should think of going for or allowing Mergers and Acquisitions (M&A) for bringing efficacy and efficiency in the banking sector where needed. Everything has to be done quickly, it will be difficult to have a strong banking sector if it is too late In Bangladesh, the concept of Mergers and Acquisitions (M&A) deals is relatively new but it is common in other parts of the world. Theoretically, mergers and acquisitions (M&A) are defined as consolidation of companies. While mergers refer to the act of combining two companies to form one, acquisitions is the process by which one company is taken over by the other. M&A is one of the major aspects of the corporate finance world. The reason behind M&A is that two separate companies together create more value compared to one. With the objective of wealth maximisation, companies keep evaluating different opportunities through the route of merger or acquisition. In recent times, we have noticed a few large acquisitions in Bangladesh. For example, CEMEX Cement Bangladesh was acquired by Siam City Cement of Thailand, the local Philips and Pepsi businesses were acquired by Transcom, significant shares of City Cell were acquired by SingTel, and AKTEL shares by NTT DoCoMo. Bangladeshi banks did not experience M&A, but the need for such thinking cannot be overruled considering the near future. As we know, the global pandemic has caused serious damage to the economy of Bangladesh. The participation of the banking sector as a catalyst to overcoming the crisis, reviving stagnant economic activities and transferring liquidity to the people who do not have any income now has become vital. By this time, the prime minister has announced an incentive of around Tk 1 lakh crore and the major responsibility of implementing the financial incentive has been on the banks and financial institutions and as such they have already started working in accordance with the instructions of the central bank. Some of the ongoing and forthcoming challenges of the banking sector: a) The banking sector has been overburdened with the classified loans for long. According to Bangladesh Bank, Tk 9 lac 69 thousand and 62 crore has been disbursed as loan from the banking sector till September 2019. Of this, 1 lakh 18 thousand 26 crore taka has defaulted, which is 11.99 percent of the total disbursed loan. According to IMF, as of June 2019, the total amount of problem assets in the banking sector stands at a staggering Tk 2 Lac 40 thousand 1 hundred and 67 Crore, which is really alarming. When defaulted loans increase, capital deficit naturally increases. b) Some of the banks are facing the problems of capital shortfall. At the end of September 2019, 12 banks had a capital deficit of Tk16 thousand 60 crore. Besides, the incremental rise in classified loans is adding more pressure on the banks over the time and if the situation prevails, some of them will barely survive. BASIC Bank Limited and Padma Bank Limited have somehow managed to survive under special protection from the government, otherwise they would not have been in existence. c) The bank management faces unwanted interference of the board with regards to sanctioning of loans, selecting clients, recruiting employees, purchasing material assets and in almost every major operational issue of the banks. Sometimes this sort of unwarranted practice propagates unfavourable working environments and induces loans to get classified later. The lack of good governance and presence of inefficiency in running the operations is holding back the banks - both in public and private sectors. d) Recently the government has fixed the interest rate on banks at 9 percent from April this year. Meanwhile, banks have been asked to suspend interest rates for two months to reduce losses of businesses during the pandemic. The ABB has calculated that because of the suspension of interest for two months and re-fixation of interest to 9 percent, the banking sector will lose around Tk15,000 crores this year. And the government will also be deprived of tax revenue of around Tk750 crore. With that, since businesses are mostly closed, banks will not be able to earn commission income. In this situation, bankers think that small banks will lose an average of Tk20/25 crore and the big ones will lose about Tk150 to 200 crores this year. e) The banks have a new challenge to meet following the Covid-19 pandemic as the major implementation of the government stimulus will be done by the banks. This may put the banks under extra pressure of loan defaults as some clients have a habitual propensity to default on loans, especially since it is from the government package. The banks have called for a Loan Risk Guarantee Scheme from the state, but no clear decision has been made by the government. There are many pros and cons to this but the main thing is that the risk of the bank remains. Moreover, now there will be no new debt collection resulting in more effect on the income of the bank. All in all, the problem in the banking sector will be more obvious. Due to corona, there is no scope to take any action against the defaulters. f) The banking sector was in turmoil even before the coronavirus pandemic hit the country. The bank's deposit has been declining for a long time, it will drop further as now no one is going to keep money in the bank but is going to withdraw instead. All in all, the banking sector is likely to face a kind of liquidity crisis in the near future, though not now, because money flow has increased in the market now following the monetary policy concessions of the central bank. Now the deposit growth is negative from the small depositor's side. Some recommendations for sustainability a) Bangladesh Bank in consultation with the government can take aggressive punitive measures against the intentional default customers and recover the banks' money. Passport cancellation of defaulters can be an exemplary punishment if they do not pay back the loan. b) During this pandemic it is necessary to pay careful attention to the flow of money, the recovery of defaulted loans and taking proper guards so that new loans do not become defaulted. c) Banks need to reduce their operating costs by at least 40 percent. In particular, the salaries of top officials, including CEOs, should be reduced by 50 per cent during these emergencies. Staff layoffs will be unbearable for the economy. d) Existing good clients can be a priority in giving the loans under the government's stimulus package and then some steps can be overlapped while sanctioning so the process is accelerated and expedited. Side by side, new customers can be addressed so that money flow into business starts fast. e) A commission can be formed to suggest policies with regards to lessening the classification, defining classification as per global standards, ensuring corporate governance, efficiency, inclusiveness and holding the banking sector to international standards, and meeting the criteria of SDGs. f) Single borrower credit limit should be re-fixed to a lower level to lessen the risk. Moreover, the government should think of going for or allowing Mergers and Acquisitions (M&A) for bringing efficacy and efficiency in the banking sector where needed. Everything has to be done quickly, it will be difficult to have a strong banking sector if it is too late. The author is an Economics Analyst, Founder and CEO of Finpower Leadership International

India plans to slap countervailing duty on Bangladesh jute goods India has initiated an anti-subsidy investigation for imposition of countervailing duty (CVD) on imports of jute products, including jute sacking bags, jute sacking cloth and jute yarn, from Bangladesh. Director General of Trade Remedies (DGTR) of India has already invited Bangladesh for consultation, a condition prior to starting such an investigation. A country can impose countervailing duty on import of subsidised products from any other country to offset injury caused to local products due to the import of subsidised imports. The consultation is supposed to be held through video conferencing by May 15. Bangladesh commerce ministry has already requested India to defer the consultation until June 15 considering the prevailing situation of COVID-19 pandemic. Trade officials and industry insiders said that the move would come as a huge threat to export of jute products to India, which is a large market for jute products, where Bangladesh’s export of the products has been dwindling since 2017 following imposition of anti-dumping duty by the country. India in April, 2017 imposed anti-dumping duty ranging from $19 to $351.72 a tonne on import of jute products including jute yarn, twine, hessian fabric and jute sacking bags from Bangladesh for five years. Bangladesh annually exports jute and jute products worth around $200 million to India. Trade officials and industry insiders said that India had been creating barriers one after another to import of the products to hamper Bangladesh’s export. Export of the products will be severely impacted if, in addition to the ADD, a CVD is imposed, they said. Commerce ministry’s World Trade Organisation cell director general Sharifa Khan on Thursday told New Age that they had already sought time extension for consultation on the ground of coronavirus pandemic. Holding consultation is a primary stage and a WTO-set condition of initiating any countervailing investigation, she said. At the consultation, India may raise the issue while Bangladesh will provide its arguments, she added. The Bangladesh Trade and Tariff Commission will carry out research activities and provide necessary supports to the commerce ministry in handling the issues. Bangladesh Jute Mills Association secretary general Abdul Barik Khan told New Age that India had been taking various measures to hamper Bangladesh’s export of jute products to the country. ‘Bangladesh should impose duty on export of raw jute and make containerised export of the item through sea route mandatory to make India’s export of raw jute costlier as part of tackling the measures,’ he said.

পদ্মা সেতুর স্প্যানের শেষ চালানের যাত্রা শুরু পদ্মাসেতুর স্প্যানের মালামালের শেষ চীনা চালান যাত্রা শুরু করেছে। শিনহোয়াংদাও বন্দর থেকে বাংলাদেশের উদ্দেশে সমুদ্র পথে রওনা হয়েছে। বৃহস্পতিবার (১৪ মে) স্থানীয় সময় সন্ধ্যায় সাড়ে ৭টায় (বাংলাদেশ সময় বিকেল সাড়ে ৫ টা) চালানটি যাত্রা শুরু করেছে। চীনা পতাকাবাহী এমভি কং সিউ সং জাহাজ মূল সেতুর মালামাল বহন করছে। এ চালানটি দেশে পৌঁছালে সেতুর সব মালামাল বাংলাদেশে আসা শেষ হবে। পদ্মা সেতুর নির্বাহী প্রকৌশলী দেওয়ান মো. আব্দুল কাদের সময় নিউজকে জানান, সেতুর সবশেষ এ মালামাল সমূহ মার্চের মধ্যে বাংলাদেশে আনার লক্ষ্যে কাজ এগিয়ে চলছিল। কিন্তু চীনের উহানে ভয়ানক করোনাভাইরাসের সংক্রামণে জানুয়ারি ও ফেব্রয়ারি মাসে স্প্যানের মালামাল তৈরির কাজ সম্পূর্ণ বন্ধ ছিল। এপ্রিলের শেষের দিক থেকে আবার ফ্যাক্টরি খুললে চলতি মে এর শেষ দিকে স্প্যানগুলোর কম্পোনেন্ট তৈরি কাজ শেষ হয়। বর্ণিত এম ভি কং সিউ সং জাহাজে সেতুর ১৮০টি ট্রাস কম্পোনেন্টসহ ২০৪১টি স্টিলের তৈরি বিভিন্ন মালামাল রয়েছে। সেতুর সবশেষ মালামাল পরিবহণের দায়িত্বে আন্তর্জাতিক কসকো শিপিং লাইন কর্তৃপক্ষ জানিয়েছে, জাহাজটি সাংহাই ও সিঙ্গাপুর পোর্টে ৭ দিন বিরতি (মালামাল লোড/আনলোড) দিয়ে ৭ জুন চট্টগ্রাম বন্দরে পৌঁছাবে। চট্টগ্রাম বন্দরে কাস্টমস শুল্ক পরিশোধ ও ক্লিয়ারেন্স এর পর মংলা হয়ে ১৫ জুন চালানটি মাওয়া এসে পৌঁছার কথা রয়েছে।

All Signs Point to a Worsening of Myanmar’s Rakhine Conflict By AUNG ZAW 11 May 2020 Far from being contained, the violence in northern Rakhine State continues to spread. With the Arakan Army (AA) having established a foothold in the area, the fighting in Rakhine is escalating and many fear it will only intensify. To those field commanders who were hoping for a break from the daily fighting, all of the recent news has been bad. On Sunday, the military (or Tatmadaw) announced a ceasefire in parts of the country effective until Aug. 31, but the measure does not cover Rakhine State. The military’s designation of the AA as terrorist group in March seems certain to lock the two sides into a bitter war. The thinking at the high command in Naypyitaw is that the military needs to be able to concentrate its fighting forces in northern Rakhine, as the conflicts with other ethnic armed groups are deemed less serious, and there has been no fighting at all in some areas, particularly those controlled by the Kachin Independence Army and the Kokang rebel group, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army. Officially, the military says the objective of the ceasefire is to allow it to focus on the fight against the COVID-19 epidemic. Since last month, the military has been conducting lab tests for COVID-19 using a machine with capacity to process 200 samples per day at a 300-bed military hospital in eastern Shan State’s Kengtung, under the Triangle Command. Coinciding with the announcement of the ceasefire, Myanmar military chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing traveled to the Tatmadaw’s Triangle Command, where he met leaders from the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA, also known as the Mong La group). In separate meetings with leaders of the groups, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing offered to provide assistance to combat the COVID-19 outbreak. However, observers noted that the commander-in-chief also raised the issue of the AA with leaders of the powerful UWSA. The Wa recently purchased civilian helicopters and now control a sizable army of over 30,000 troops equipped with missiles, drones and several other types of sophisticated weaponry. The Wa also allegedly sell weapons and ammunition to smaller ethnic forces in Myanmar on credit, and the AA is thought to be among their clients. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing’s meeting with leaders of the NDAA went smoothly and they acknowledged the stability of the relationship between the two sides. Concerns were raised recently, however, when more than 200 Rakhine men returned from China into NDAA territory, where they went quarantine. The NDAA leaders have promised to find jobs for them. Many ethnic Rakhine who travel to the Chinese border to find work end up joining the AA. The military wants to ensure it can coordinate with NDAA leaders on quarantine procedures for Rakhine men while gathering information on the individuals involved. Military reshuffle The senior general’s visit to the Golden Triangle followed a reshuffle of the armed forces’ top brass that saw several younger-generation officers promoted to inject new blood into senior command positions. Among those promoted was Major General Kyaw Swar Lin, who previously served as head of the Tatmadaw’s Central Command. He has been promoted to lieutenant general and appointed quartermaster general, replacing Lieutenant General Nyo Saw, who is retiring but will remain head of the military-owned Myanmar Economic Cooperation. Kyaw Swar Lin, 49, becomes the youngest lieutenant general ever to serve in the Myanmar military. More importantly, Colonel Wai Lin, who previously served in the Coastal Region Command, has been appointed a General Staff officer at the military headquarters in Naypyitaw. He replaces Brigadier General Ko Ko Oo, who is known as a moderate among mid-ranking officers and has been promoted to head the Central Command. In the past, Ko Ko Oo served as the personal security officer for General Maung Aye when the latter was deputy chairman of the formerly ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and No. 2 in the armed forces. In his new position, Wai Lin will hold the rank of brigadier general and will coordinate between commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and his deputy, Vice Senior General Soe Win. He will shuttle between the two offices. Military observers say his position is crucial to the Rakhine conflict, as he will work directly with field commanders. In his previous position, then Col. Wai Lin was known for his tough stance toward illegal fishing trawlers, smugglers, pirates and fishing boats entering Myanmar waters illegally. It is not known whether Wai Lin was previously based in Rakhine State. Army officers who have served in Rakhine during the armed conflict there over the past eight years are generally looked on favorably within the army and have a high degree of credibility. In the 1990s and early 2000s, Rakhine was relatively peaceful except for occasional military operations to drive out illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and periodic crackdowns on pockets of Muslim insurgents there. In any case, Wai Lin was one of a group of colonels from the frontline area shortlisted to deal with the unfolding situation in Rakhine. Some insiders believe Ko Ko Oo is competent but not tough enough for the task. To be fair, military officers who know him add that he has done his best to coordinate with field commanders in Rakhine. Col. Wai Lin will have to work with both Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and Vice Snr-Gen Soe Win, but it is likely he will spend more time with the latter, who is now focused on the Rakhine conflict, and on persuading the government and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to take a tougher stance on the AA. It is no secret that Vice Snr-Gen Soe Win has better chemistry with the State Counselor than Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing does. When news of the ceasefire was announced this weekend, field commanders who were hoping that it would also cover Rakhine State saw their hopes dashed. However, it seems Vice Snr-Gen Soe Win, who previously served in Rakhine, Chin and Kachin states, does not intend to give his commanders any rest from the fighting. It can only mean that more bloodshed and an expansion of the conflict lie ahead.

Myanmar Rebel Coalition Calls for Military to Extend Ceasefire to Rakhine By LAWI WENG 11 May 2020 Members of three ethnic armed groups known as the Brotherhood Alliance have asked the Myanmar army not to exclude Rakhine State from a unilateral ceasefire from May 10 to Aug. 31 as the country is trying to control the coronavirus pandemic. The Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Arakan Army (AA) and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) issued a joint statement Sunday saying that the Myanmar army should not exclude Rakhine from its latest ceasefire, as it has in the past, as the military has ongoing offensives in Rakhine and in Chin State’s Paletwa Township, where many local people are suffering the impacts of the fighting. The Brotherhood Alliance extended its own ceasefire for one month on May 3 but fighting between the groups and the Myanmar military has continued. The military, also known as the Tatmadaw, announced a unilateral ceasefire on Saturday that will last until Aug. 31 and cover the whole country except areas where terrorist organizations are based, according to a statement from the Ministry of Defense. The Myanmar government declared the AA a terrorist group in late March. The group is involved in ongoing fighting with the Tatmadaw in western Myanmar. “The Tatmadaw announced a unilateral ceasefire for all areas except areas recognized as the base of a terrorist organization, which refers to Rakhine and Paletwa in Chin,” said the military statement on Saturday. Brigadier General Tar Phone Kyaw of the TNLA said the Tatmadaw should announce a nationwide ceasefire. “If they announced a nationwide ceasefire, we could all work to prevent the spread of COVID-19 effectively. We could even successfully work for peace,” he told The Irrawaddy on Monday. Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun, spokesperson for the Myanmar army, said the military is unwilling to negotiate with the AA. “Unless the AA is removed from the list of terrorist organizations, we cannot negotiate with them. Therefore, we have to exclude them.” The military’s announcement on Saturday said the ceasefire is intended to help prevent the spread of the coronavirus in the country, in line with UN Secretary General António Guterres’ call for a worldwide ceasefire to prevent and control the pandemic. Clashes between the Myanmar military and the AA have intensified steadily since the Rakhine rebels attacked a group of police bases in January 2019, and have continued to worsen this month. The Myanmar military has used naval, air and ground forces in the conflict, while the AA relies on guerrilla tactics and has resorted to abducting civilians, including a ruling party lawmaker and government officials. The conflict has resulted in a high number of civilian causalities. The UN and rights groups have accused the Myanmar army of committing human right abuses in the conflict area. More than 160,000 people have been internally displaced by the conflict in Rakhine. U Maung Maung Soe, an ethnic affairs analyst, said the Myanmar army will be able to cooperate with other ethnic armed groups such as the Karen National Union and the Restoration Council of Shan State to prevent the spread of COVID-19 under the unilateral ceasefire. However, as the army has excluded Rakhine from the ceasefire, he said the fighting in that area will continue as before. “I do not see any change because of their ceasefire announcement. It will also be difficult to have peace negotiations with members of the Northern Alliance,” U Maung Maung Soe said, referring to a coalition that includes the Brotherhood Alliance as well as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). According to the TNLA, the Myanmar army will use the ceasefire to claim to the world that they are working to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, while at the same time they will try to eliminate the AA. “If they do not stop fighting with the AA, a joint military offensive from our Brotherhood Alliance will come again soon,” Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw said. The joint statement from Brotherhood Alliance denied the Myanmar army’s claim that the ceasefire is intended to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, instead saying the Tatmadaw’s announcement is “just for show to the international community, including the International Court of Justice, and would be impossible for it to stop the fighting in the country.” Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw added that the military is taking advantage of ethnic armed groups’ unilateral ceasefires, like the one from the TNLA, saying that the military is sending its soldiers to travel from one village to another. “We cannot attack them as we announced a unilateral ceasefire,” he said, but added that if the military continues to prepare offensives, fighting could break out at any time.

Indian MiG-29 fighter jet crashes after a technical failure Indian news agencies reported on Friday morning that the country’s Air Force MiG-29 fighter jet crashes near Hoshiarpur district in Punjab. According to local media, the aircraft fell to the ground in the Chuharpur village of the district and burst into flames. The pilot ejected safely. Some sources reported about two pilots which have ejected safely as per eye witness accounts. Aditya Raj Kaul also released a short video probably from the crash site. After a few hours, the Indian Air Force officials have confirmed that MiG-29 fighter jet crashed after a technical failure. The pilot ejected safely. “On 08 May, at 10:45, one Mig-29 aircraft airborne on a training mission from an Air Force base near Jalandhar met with an accident. The aircraft had developed a technical snag and the pilot ejected safely as he was unable to control the aircraft. The pilot has been rescued by a helicopter. A Court of Inquiry has been ordered to investigate the cause of accident,” a statement from the Ministry of Defense said. Local authorities rushed to the spot quickly and took stock of the situation. After the crash, the pilot was taken to a nearby hospital.

Dhaka asks Delhi to alert BSF to avert untoward steps along border Foreign minister AK Abdul Momen on Wednesday requested India to alert Border Security Force to avert untoward steps along Bangladesh border in future. Momen made the request when Indian high commissioner Riva Ganguly Das called on the minister at the foreign ministry. The BSF recently attempted to push a mentally retarded Indian woman into Bangladesh through the border on Feni River and it was unbecoming, he said. ‘Such attempts may create adverse impacts on friendly relations between the two countries.’ He also requested the high commissioner to take steps for quickly allowing trucks carrying imported goods to cross Petrapole border to enter Bangladesh. The minister welcomed the high commissioner’s proposal to for the use of train for transferring goods between the two countries. He also requested India for joint steps in other countries where citizens of Bangladesh and India were co-workers. High commissioner Riva handed over 30,000 COVID-19 testing kits and other materials as humanitarian assistance to Bangladesh from India.

Wrong. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/navy-signs-rs-5000-crore-pact-with-russian-shipbuilder-zvezdochka-for-kilo-class-submarine-refit/articleshow/49425464.cms https://www.naval-technology.com/projects/kilo877/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sindhughosh-class_submarine https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/3M-54_Kalibr https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/877e.htm

Yup, Popular Science is definitely wrong about the second missile as i crossed checked the info with other sources. Among one of them i found different data about the second missile but i still doubt it as it mentions three types of missile. Lets just wait more credible data form few more reliable sites. I don't know why you gave me the second link though.

Doesn't look like you researched well either. SY-400 can carry 8 rockets maximum. You said Myanmar "might" buy, that means you don't know anything too. You are hoping like others that this news won't turn out to be true. Our army chief clearly stated that it will be TRG-300, not anything else. Even if army buys Khan missile, it won't match BP-12A in range. The only thing that can match/exceed is Grom-2 if we manage to get ToT. Anyway where did get info about 300mm rocket with 120km range?

Osmani·Saidpur·Barisal, Bangladesh Location Osmani·Saidpur·Barisal, Bangladesh G.F.A(m2) 37,700(Osmani), 26,200(Saidpur) Floors(F/B) 2/1 Design 2018 Completion 2022 Client Civil Aviation Authority of Bangladesh(CAAB) The Three Bangladesh Airport design projects were carried out by the Bangladesh government in response to the improvement of passenger service and the increasing passenger demand. Yooshin performed a master plan of the project and Heerim conducted the basic design and construction documentation of the passenger terminal and auxiliary facilities. Heerim has designed an international new terminal and subsidiary facilities of Osmani Airport, the second largest airport in Bangladesh, set up domestic and international new terminal and auxiliary facilities design at Saidpur Airport, and the control tower and airport terminal facilities design at Barisal Airport. The exterior and interior designs of each airport were designed with motifs according to Bangladesh regional characteristics. http://www.heerim.com/project/view?id=1160&lang=en

After Deadly Shelling, Villagers Arrested in Myanmar's Rakhine State By NYEIN NYEIN 20 April 2020 The Myanmar military arrested 39 residents of Kyauk Seik Village in Rakhine State’s Ponnagyun Township on Sunday, less than a week after eight civilians were killed by artillery strikes on the village near the state capital, Sittwe, on April 13. Military spokesman Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the Tatmadaw (as the military is known) arrested 38 villagers and an administrator “on suspicion of affiliation with the AA [Arakan Army].” “We will interrogate them and if we find any wrongdoing, we will take action in accordance with the laws,” he added. A 9-year-old boy was among the eight people who were killed on April 13 when three artillery shells, reportedly fired by a Myanmar military battalion, struck the village. The village is on the Yangon-Sittwe Highway, just a 40-minute drive from Sittwe. According to both local residents and the Myanmar military spokesman, the main clash between Tatmadaw and AA troops occurred at Pauk Taw Pyin and Painnae Taw villages, some 3 miles (nearly 5 kilometers) from Kyauk Seik. Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun told The Irrawaddy on April 13 that there was no fighting near Kyauk Seik Village on that day. Rather, he said, a clash occurred in Pauk Taw Pyin Village two days earlier. He also denied that any villages were struck by artillery shells on April 13. Citing reports from local villagers, U Khin Maung Latt, an Upper House lawmaker representing Ponnagyun Township, said a military unit arrived at Kyauk Seik Village at around 7 a.m. on Sunday morning and asked the village administrator to assemble all the residents. “But as many villagers had fled their homes following the incidents, in which three artillery strikes killed eight people and injured 13 on April 13, only a few people remained in the village. There were 39 men in total, including the administrator. They were tied up and taken away,” he told The Irrawaddy. U Ba Shwe, a Kyauk Seik villager whose sons Ko Ye Thet Naing, 22, and Ko Ye Htoo Naing, 18, were among the 39 detainees, told The Irrawaddy that the men were taken at 1 p.m. in the afternoon from administrator U Aye Tun’s home. U Ba Shwe told The Irrawaddy on Monday that, “Ye Thet Naing is an employee of the [government’s] Cooperative Department, who returned home for the Thingyan holidays. My other son, Ye Htoo Naing, is a high school student. A colonel who took them told me that he would just hold them temporarily and they would be released later. But they are not guilty of anything. I want them to be released quickly.” Lawmaker U Khin Maung Latt said the villagers could tell the artillery shells were fired by the Myanmar military’s Light Infantry Battalion No. 550 based in Ponnagyun, as the shelling caused vibrations and shook nearby communities. He said, “It should not happen. This is mass killing and mass detention. These are crimes and the government needs to investigate, as it has a responsibility to protect the livelihoods of the people.” Fighting between the military and the AA—which the government declared a terrorist group on March 23—in conflict-torn Rakhine State and adjacent Chin State has caused more than 160,000 people to flee their homes, according to the Rakhine Ethnic Congress. Hundreds of people have been killed, injured or detained by both armies (the Myanmar military and the AA) since November 2018. In Myanmar, the government has been focusing its efforts on fighting the spread of the coronavirus since the country’s first case of COVID-19 was reported on March 23. As of Monday, 111 people had been infected with the virus, with five fatalities. In contrast, in a little over a month from March 13 to April 17, by The Irrawaddy’s count 43 people died and nearly 60 were injured in Rakhine State’s Ponnagyun, Minbya, Ann and Kyauktaw townships and Chin State’s Paletwa Township in artillery and military air strikes. Daw Ma Phyu, 66, from Nan Chaung Wa Village in Paletwa Township, which borders Rakhine State, was still in Mandalay Hospital receiving treatment on her left arm, which was broken when she was struck by shrapnel during a military air strike on April 8. Seven Nan Chaung Wa villagers died and seven others, including Daw Ma Phyu, were injured on that day when fighting erupted near their village at 8 a.m., followed by air strikes, according to local residents. “We are still waiting for her to have an operation,” said U Htaung Ko, a nephew of Daw Ma Phyu. Other people who sustained minor injuries are still at Paletwa Hospital, where all of the village’s other residents are now taking shelter. In Paletwa, 3,657 people from nearby villages, including Nan Chaung Wa, are taking shelter. Relief supplies of rice only reached them on Sunday after being delayed for a few days for security reasons. “We delivered 830 bags of rice, but it will only last about a week to 10 days,” said Mai Nang Wai, who raises funds for the Relief and Rehabilitation Committee for Chin IDPs (RRCCI). Since the fighting intensified, some 9,000 villagers have become internally displaced persons in downtown Paletwa and nearby Samee Township, according to the RRCCI. Samee, some 65 km from Paletwa, hosts some 2,900 IDPs, who fled their homes in Meiksa Wa, Wetma and Pyaing Tain villages in mid-March. A total of 21 villagers were killed and about two dozen were injured when Myanmar military fighter jets opened fire on those villages between March 13 and 15. Ko Sanay, a Meiksa Wa villager who is currently taking shelter in Samee, said many of the 26 people who were injured in the March air strikes are recovering, but a few are still being treated in Mindat and Mandalay hospitals. They are not able to return to Samee, as a lockdown and travel restrictions are in place due to COVID-19, he told The Irrawaddy on Monday. “We still hear the sound of gunfire everyday. We want the fighting to stop as soon as possible, so that we can return home,” he added.

Civil Aviation Authority of Bangladesh today signed an agreement with a Chinese company for construction of a new terminal at MAG Osmani International Airport in Sylhet. Beijing Urban Construction Group (BUCG) has been awarded to build international passenger and cargo terminal buildings, Air Traffic Control (ATC) tower, passenger boarding bridge, parking apron, taxiway, car parking zone and link roads at the country's third largest airport within around three years. The project work will be carried out at a cost of Tk 2,116 crore to increase the airport's passenger handling capacity to 20 lakh from the current 6 lakh annually. CAAB Chairman Air Vice Marshal M Mafidur Rahman and BUCG Country Chief Harold Huang signed the deal on behalf of their respective sides at the CAAB Headquarter in Dhaka's Kurmitola, said a press release. On March 11, the Cabinet Committee on Government Purchase (CCGP) approved the CAAB's proposal for awarding the contract to BUCG for the Sylhet Osmani International Airport extension project. Six firms submitted their bids for the project where BUCG turned out to be the lowest bidder.

India’s Rakhine dilemma In a strange rush to complete and operationalize the $ 484 million Kaladan Multimodal project, India risk getting sucked into what essentially is Myanmar’s problem – tackling an invigorated insurgency in the country’s coastal province of Rakhine (previously Arakan). Policy analysts familiar with Myanmar advise caution because the Arakan Army (AA), formed in 2009 in the northern state of Kachin, is no throwaway. Myanmar watcher Bertil Lintner thinks the AA is a ‘new age rebel group’ unlike territory holding Kachins and Karen fighters and its calculated offensive against the Tatmadaw in both rural and urban areas has significantly weakened the state’s grip on the strategic Rakhine province, where both China and India have initiated major connectivity projects. The Chinese have finished the Kyaukphyu deep sea port and is going ahead with a Special Economic Zone around it with rail-road and oil-gas pipelines linking it with Yunnan province. The Indians have renovated the Sittwe port and is seeking to use it to connect to Mizoram province through Kaladan river. The Myanmar military suspects the AA is trying to create a liberated zone with a strong base in Rakhine in keeping with its bid to free Rakhine of Burmese control. But analysts say the Burmese army appears unable to curb the Arakan Army, which has 7000-8000 well armed fighters trained by the Kachins. “The Arakan Army is pursuing a different kind of warfare, it is not trying to hold territory so far, it hits the Tatmadaw hard and then just vanishes, the Burmese troops have no answer to this highly mobile warfare,” says Bertil Lintner. That the Arakan Army is no throwaway weighs heavy on Indian military planners – they want to back the Tatmadaw to regain control over the rebels in Rakhine so that the Kaladan project is completed and operational but they don’t want to get too deeply involved to avoid Arakan Army retaliation. “We should stay away from the Rakhine muddle, surely we should not get involved militarily, much as the Myanmar army Tatmadaw wants us to,” says military analyst John Mukherjee. Mukherjee, a retired lieutenant general and a former chief of staff of India’s eastern army, heads the Calcutta-based security affairs think tank CENERS-K, which counts former Army chief General Shankar Raychoudhuri and former Indian Air Force chief Arup Raha among its patrons and office-bearers. “The project is important for India, especially for its remote Mizoram state, but it is not something for which we should get militarily involved in fighting the Arakan Army rebels,” Mukherjee told this writer recently. After years of delay, India finally kicked off the construction of the 109-km road project that connects Paletwa river terminal to Zorinpui on the Mizoram border in Myanmar in 2018. But work on this phase of the project has been tortuously slow, one reason being the Arakan Army’s constant disruptions by kidnap of workers involved with the road and bridge construction. The Rs 1,600 crore road project that passes through dense forests and hilly areas was awarded to Delhi-based C&C Constructions in June 2017. But the contractor had to wait till January 2018 for the requisite clearances from the Myanmar government to start ground work. The company lobbied for strong military action and the Indian Army conducted Operation Sunrise last year to demolish the Arakan Army’s bases in southern Mizoram. The Indian Army formally accepted in a press statement that the operation was necessary to tackle the Arakan Army which has ’emerged as a threat to the On completion, the project will help connect Mizoram with the Sittwe Port in Rakhine State of Myanmar. The project was undertaken as a sea-land access to Northeast when Bangladesh under then Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was not playing ball. But now with the Hasina government agreeing to multi-modal transit to north-eastern India through Bangladesh territory (road, rail, sea) the Kaladan project is not so important anymore, except for landlocked Mizoram state. “It is not something which calls for military intervention,” says Myanmar watcher Binoda Mishra of the Centre for Studies in International Relations & Development (CSIRD). “We should learn to balance, to hunt with the hound and swim with the crocodile,”says Mishra. India has already completed the rest of the Kaladan project work in Myanmar. This includes the construction of the Sittwe Port on Lakadan river mouth in Rakhine, construction of a river terminal 158 upstream at Paletwa and dredging of the Kaladan river. On the Indian side, work is on to extend the Aizawl-Saiha National Highway by 90 km to the international border at Zorinpui. Also, a Rs 6,000 crore project is underway for four-laning the 300-km highway from Myanmar border to Aizawl to ensure the faster movement of goods. Completion of the Paletwa-Zorinpui road, therefore, holds the key to operationalise the Kaladan multi-modal project. But after Operation Sunrise, the Arakan Army has attacked Indian interests more regularly than ever before. In November last year, five Indian workers and four local workers involved with the Kaladan road project were kidnapped, alongwith a NLD MP in the Chin state. Mizoram chief minister Zoramthanga, a former rebel leader with extensive contacts among the rebel groups on India-Myanmar border, played a key role in getting the workers and the MP released but one of the workers died in captivity. A similar incident of abduction of local workers involved with the Kaladan project took place in March last year. The Arakan Army rebels also set ablaze a civilian vessel carrying 300 steel frames for the Paletwa bridge and the crew were abducted. That perhaps influenced India to undertake Operation Sunrise in close coordination with the Burmese Tatmadaw but instead of cowing down that seems to have provoked the Arakan Army. AA spokesman U Khaing Thukkha recently told Burmese media that ‘China recognizes us but India doesn’t’. Analysts like Vivekananda International Foundation’s Jaideep Chanda interpret that as India’s refusal to pay up as upsetting the Arakan Army, which, he feels, China may have already done to ensure there is no disruption for its Kyaukphyu deep sea port and SEZ project. Initially that project was pitched at $ 6 billion but has now been scaled down to below $ 2 billion because Myanmar fears unsustainable debt burden. “In Myanmar, China maintains fine relations with both the federal government and the Tatmadaw and also with rebel groups, especially those in the Northern Alliance. It is open secret and widely reported in the media that it has armed the Wa and Kokang groups. It is possible that Chinese agencies have already paid the Arakan Army,” Chanda said. There is no evidence of Chinese assistance to Arakan Army but the fact that the Chinese project at Kyaukphyu has not been disturbed and the Indian Kaladan project has been has raised suspicions. ‘We should follow the Chinese model of playing all sides rather than get dragged into the Rakhine conflict by the Burmese military,” said John Mukherjee. The Tatmadaw has recently requested the Indian army to provide it passage through some strategic corridors in southern Mizoram. That has raised eyebrows in Delhi. The lessons of getting dragged into Sri Lanka’s Tamil conflict weigh heavy on India, especially its army. The Indian Peace Keeping Force not only suffered much losses in Jaffna but also that provoked the Tamil Tigers, once backed by India, to attack and kill former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Mizoram chief minister Zoramthanga recently told this writer that he has asked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and foreign minister S Jaishanker to appoint a new contractor for the Kaladan project because C&C has gone bankrupt. “They (C&C) have no idea how to do business in this area. Rakhine is not Indian territory and the Indian Army can’t do much. I have asked Delhi to appoint a new contractor who can then be properly advised,” Zoramthanga told this writer, hinting that the new contractor can be put in touch with the Arakan Army and could pay up to buy peace. The Arakan Army has maintained it is not against trans-national projects in Rakhine, provided they ‘recognize’ AA and don’t cooperate with the Burmese military. Zoramthanga, a former rebel leader who now helps Modi bring other north-eastern rebel groups to the table, is clearly against any Indian military adventure in Rakhine. He would much rather use his influence with the AA to get the Kaladan project, so important for his Mizoram state, completed without a fuss. But such a course risks upsetting the Burmese, especially its all-powerful military. Stretched in counter-insurgency duties in Kashmir and the Northeast and having to stand guard over the long borders with China and Pakistan, the Indian Army can ill-afford getting dragged into the Rakhine muddle by wily Burmese generals like it got dragged into Jaffna by a shrewd Sri Lankan president Jayawardene. The million dollar question before India now is whether it can develop its Myanmar policy entirely on good relations with the ruling regime and the military or it will consider reverting back to the 1987-96 policy of ‘selective relationships’ with rebel groups like Kachin Independence Army (KIA) or National Unity Party of Arakans (NUPA) to protect its interests on the borders which the Myanmar military has failed to control. With someone like Zoramthanga (who admits to having played some role in the Burmese peace process in pre-Suu Kyi era) around, India could actually consider a role in bringing the AA and the Burmese military to the table. But the Tatmadaw’s rush of blood, evident in intensified operations in Rakhine and Chin despite the COVID-19 pandemic raging, makes any peace effort difficult, it not impossible. The Tatmadaw, fresh from its legislative victory in its styming NLD’s parliament bills for greater democratization, is likely to pursue bloody fighting not only in Rakhine and Chin but also in Kachin and Shan states. Continuous counter-insurgency operations, despite much losses, is crucial to the Tatmadaw’s desperate effort to retain relevance and gain popular support as the saviour of Myanmar. But that is killing Aung San Suu Kyi’s ‘second Panglong’ initiative to initiate a nationwide dialogue with ethnic minorities and rebels representing them following her late father’s vision of a federal and inclusive Burma.

Can we take this chance to start local production of Grom-2 with ToT as Ukrainians are in dire need of funding? https://defence-blog.com/news/ukraine-suspends-production-of-new-missile-systems.html?fbclid=IwAR0ye3UgfumHo1FvLNqT6H0yIy4zFAjX37t6BVCCMHlQxF4cbU303VNU_IU Wrong section. I think something is wrong.

Chinese missiles for Myanmar, Bangladesh worried Myanmar is all set to receive the first batch of Chinese-made SY-400 short-range ballistic missiles very soon. This follows several years of intense negotiations. Ofiicials say Myanmar will also get some kinds of technology transfer for SY-400 along with some loan to cover as the result of prolonged discussions. SY-400 short-range ballistic missiles were displayed at Air Show China in November 2018. The SY-400 also called DF-12A system in standard configuration has eight containers (canisters) with solid-fuel missiles. Missiles are factory-fitted into these containers and can be stored for years without requiring additional maintenance. Missiles are launched vertically and have a range of about 400 km. SY-400 can use different types of warheads. SY-400 missile is equipped with GPS/INS guidance system. It is steered to the intended target in the initial flight phase by four control surfaces and stabilizing fins. The missile uses a low lowering rate to extend the range. Multiple missiles can be aimed at different targets. The missile launcher units are mounted at the rear of on Wanshan 8×8 high-mobility military truck chassis. The truck is powered by a Deutz Diesel engine developing 517 hp. It can run at a maximum road speed of 75 km/h with a maximum cruising range of 650 km. In December 2017, it was announced that Qatar Armed Forces has acquired SY-400 short-range ballistic missile system from China. The missile system was showcased the same year during the rehearsal of the Qatar National Day parade. Bangladesh, with which Myanmar shares a border and with whom its relations are frayed over tge Rohingya refugee issue, is concerned. “Myanmar will surely not use these against its own insurgents or against India. This could only be procured with us in mind,” said a senior Bangladesh diplomat here but on condition of anonymity. UN investigators urged the international community end of last year to server ties with top Myanmar companies which finance the military in carrying out atrocities against Rohingya Muslims in the country’s western Rakhine state. A UN fact-finding mission has released a report detailing the degree to which Myanmar’s military has used its own businesses, foreign companies and arms deals to support a brutal crackdown which has forced more than 750,000 Rohingya to flee to bordering Bangladesh. The report said military-owned conglomerates; Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) account for a huge share of the country’s economy. “The revenue that these military businesses generate strengthens the Tatmadaw’s autonomy from elected civilian oversight and provides financial support for the Tatmadaw’s operations with their wide array of international human rights and humanitarian law violations,” said mission expert Christopher Sidoti, using the official name of the Myanmar Armed Forces. Nearly 60 foreign companies have dealings with at least 120 businesses controlled by two military-owned firms, it said “These foreign companies risk contributing to, or being linked to, violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. At a minimum, they are contributing to supporting the military’s financial capacity,” it said. Mission chair Marzuki Darusman said removing military from the country’s economy will foster the continued liberalization and growth of Myanmar’s economy. “In addition to isolating the Tatmadaw financially, we have to promote economic ties with non-Tatmadaw companies and businesses in Myanmar,” said Darusman. It said 45 companies and organizations in Myanmar donated over $10 million to the military in the weeks following the beginning of the 2017 clearance operations in Rakhine State. “Officials of these companies should be investigated with a view to criminal prosecution for making substantial and direct contributions to the commission of crimes under international law, including crimes against humanity,” Sidoti said. The report also mentioned two top private firms, KBZ groups and Max Myanmar helped finance the construction of a barrier fence along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border. The fact-finding mission team on Rohingya also called for a full international embargo on arms sales against Myanmar, revealing that a number of companies from seven countries have been supplying weapons to Myanmar’s military amid the humanitarian crisis faced by the minority group. There are 14 companies from China, North Korea, India, Israel, the Philippines, Russia and Ukraine that have been supplying fighter jets, armored fighting vehicles, warships, missiles and missile launchers to Myanmar since 2016, said the report. “These countries should have known that selling arms to Myanmar would have a direct adverse impact on the human rights of people in Myanmar,” it added. The UN emphasized that arms transfer is contrary to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which North Korea, Israel, Russia and Ukraine are all state parties, while China is a signatory. It stressed that the named states have failed to effectively implement human rights effectively. “Therefore, further investigation is required in connection with the nature of weapons or related items that Myanmar may obtain from two businesses based in Singapore, which are not parties or signatories to the ICCPR,” the report said. “That is why we have called for an embargo that will send a clear message: Dealing with the Tatmadaw from today on will have international legal consequences,” Darusman said during a news conference in Jakarta. The Rohingya, described by the UN as the world’s most persecuted people, have faced heightened fears of attack since dozens were killed in communal violence in 2012. According to Amnesty International, more than 750,000 Rohingya refugees, mostly women and children, have fled Myanmar and crossed into Bangladesh after Myanmar forces launched a crackdown on the minority Muslim community in August 2017, pushing the number of persecuted people in Bangladesh above 1.2 million. Why would TASS report it? They usually report Russian hardware sale. And how many reports Janes makes about BD or Myanmar? Just because they didn't report doesn't really mean countries aren't buying it. Anyway if they really buy it they should be revealing it at next parade. Sooner or later we will find out about the truth.

Oh don't worry we will scare them off with all those firecrackers from Mujib's 100th birthday, if there's left any. Or maybe we can use mythical TRG-300A with 300 km range. Probably gonna achieve so called FG 2030 in 2070. The problem is Myanmar directly went for SLBM while we are buying things step by step in few amounts. Hopefully Type B GMLRS wiil provide some deterrence. They can and already did that to Qatar as the system is being exported as rocket artillery instead of missile to avoid 300km restriction. See that's our problem. I don't understand why some of us have tendency to refute any news on Burmese military. So what if this news is false, should we relax now? Should we wait for to suddenly unveil it in a military parade like Qatar did? We already knew they are trying to get it since 2017. Lots of guys didn't care then also. Like you mentioned in earlier comment, we relax too much. We are too slow at procuring things. While Myanmar is committed and gets things done faster than us we divert the little budget we get for building bridge for years or saving garments owner who doesn't even need that. Our budget goes in waste to feed corrupted-incompetent cunts. And the news is now in VOA, Military Watch magazine, so won't be surprised if it's true. News report in 2017- https://defence-blog.com/news/myanmar-looks-to-buy-chinese-sy-400-ballistic-missile-systems.html Others now- https://burmese.voanews.com/a/myanmar-china-sy-400-missile-/5362610.html https://militarywatchmagazine.com/article/myanmar-to-receive-sy-400-ballistic-missiles-from-china-platforms-will-complement-existing-north-korean-arsenal?fbclid=IwAR0an2_1oJIPz195OSWjp7iIUgTq7iWtpkMdBUyOVnVLKoK-xRn_ZL1904k